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The children suffer both paternal and maternal deprivation--paternal
deprivation inflicted by Mom's throwing Dad out of the house, maternal deprivation by
Mom's absenting herself as a wage earner because she no longer has Dad as a provider.
"There is," say Henry B. Biller and Richard S. Solomon,
ample documentation of the association between socioeconomic status and
various aspects of children's cognitive and social functioning. Many researchers have
argued that the impact of father-absence and divorce on children's development is, for the
most part, an artifact of lowered socioeconomic status. Some research, however, suggests
that, in fact, single-parent status may actually be a more powerful predictor of the
academic and social functioning of young children at school entry than is socioeconomic
status or any other family background, developmental history, or health variable.
Guidubaldi and Perry [Guidubaldi, J., and Perry, J. D. 1984. "Divorce, Socioeconomic
Status, and Children's Cognitive-Social Competence at School Entry," American
Journal of Orthopsychiatry, 54, 459-468] reported striking evidence that single-parent
status accounts for much statistically independent variance, and is highly predictive of
performance on various indexes of academic and social competence, even when socioeconomic
status is controlled through regression analyses. Although family structure in itself was
not associated with intellectual ability measures, children from single-parent homes were
found to be much more at risk for poor academic performance and sociobehavioral
difficulties upon entering school than were children from two-parent families [Guidubaldi,
J.. 1983. "The Impact of Divorce on Children: Report of the Nationwide NASP
Study," School Psychology Review, 12, 300-323; Guidubaldi and Perry, 1984].
According to Elizabeth Herzog and Cecilia Sudia,
It is often implied or stated that the causal element in the reported
association of father's absence and juvenile delinquency is lack of paternal supervision
and control. Studies that inquire into family factors confirm the importance of
supervision, but not the indispensability of the father to that element of
child-rearing.
No one would assert the father's presence is indispensable to
the proper socializing of children. Many single mothers do an excellent job of
child-rearing on their own or with the assistance of a father-surrogate. So do many orphan
asylums. What the evidence cited in the Annex shows is that there exists an ominous
correlation between father-absence and delinquency. Herzog and Sudia maintain merely that
the correlation is less than one hundred percent--which is unquestionable, but irrelevant.
The same faulty logic occurs in the following:
The questions here are merely whether the father is the only
available source of masculine identity and whether absence of a father from the home necessarily
impairs a boy's masculine identity. The studies reviewed do not, in our view, provide
solid support for such a thesis.
No one would suppose the father was the "only" source or that
his absence "necessarily" impaired the boy's masculine identity. No one would
suppose, in other words, that there existed a hundred percent correlation between
father-absence and impaired masculinity in sons. But having thus triumphantly disproved
what was never asserted, Herzog and Sudia affect to believe that they have disproved what is
asserted, that there exists a significant correlation between father absence and impaired
masculinity in sons.
They continue:
Family-oriented studies usually include father's absence as part of the
family configuration rather than as a sole and separate factor. Some of them find father's
absence significantly related to juvenile delinquency and some do not. A recurrent
finding, however, is that other factors are more important, especially competent
supervision of the child and general family climate or harmony.
The correlations established in the Annex show that the father's
presence is often not merely "another factor," but the most relevant factor,
that the absence of the father often means the absence of more competent supervision and
its replacement by less competent supervision. Herzog and Sudia's argument is comparable
to saying that the absence of the father's paycheck is not as important as "other
factors" such as adequate income. It is the father's paycheck which commonly provides
the adequate income children need; and it is the father' socialization which commonly
provides the competent supervision children need.
It is often, say Herzog and Sudia,
difficult to know whether reported differences related more strongly to
family factors (including fatherlessness) or to SES [socioeconomic status]--the more so
since family factors and SES are intricately intertwined.
They had better be. The intertwining of family factors and SES is an
essential part of the patriarchal system, which motivates males to create wealth, in
exchange for which it guarantees them a secure family role. It is for this reason that
families must be headed by fathers and why fathers must not permit their paychecks to be
taken from them for the purpose of subsidizing ex-wives and fatherless families.
According to the feminist sociologists Patricia Van Voorhis, Francis T.
Cullen, Richard A. Mathers and Connie Chenoweth Garner, "Marital status (single
versus two-parent home) and marital conflict were weak predictors of delinquency." No
one would suppose otherwise. The correlation between broken home and delinquency is
nowhere near high enough to predict that a particular child from such a home will
become delinquent--any more than the Highway Patrol can predict which drunk will have an
accident. What can be predicted is that children from broken homes will be overrepresented
in the class of delinquents and that people who drink will be overrepresented among those
who have accidents. Assertions that evidence concerning the problems of fatherlessness
"are a dubious predictor...most of these studies...typically show overprediction of
problems" are irrelevant.
Herzog and Sudia's insistence that father-absence is not of primary
importance because "other factors are more important, especially competent
supervision of the child and general family climate or harmony" is inconsistent with
another point they make when they are grinding a different axe and wish their readers to
believe in the inability of single mothers to provide what they previously insisted
they could provide. The mothers cannot provide the "competent
supervision...and general family climate or harmony" because of their "sense of
incompleteness and frustration, of failure and guilt, feelings of ambivalence between them
and their children, loneliness, loss of self-esteem, hostility toward men, problems with
ex-husbands, problems of income and how to find the right job, anxiety about children and
their problems, and a tendency to overcompensate for the loss to their children....This
anxious picture seems related to the findings of M. Rosenberg...and J. Landis...that
children of divorce show less self esteem....Among low-income mothers, Rainwater...found a
majority of female respondents saying that a separated woman will miss most companionship
or love or sex, or simply that she will be lonesome. Descriptions of AFDC mothers
repeatedly stress their loneliness and anxiety, which breed and are bred by apathy,
depression, and lethargy."
Is it any wonder that women family heads such as these generate a
disproportionate amount of social pathology?
When the single mothers do properly socialize children along
patriarchal lines, they fall foul of other feminists like Phyllis Chesler, who rails at
them for perpetuating patriarchy and "sexism":
Aren't patriarchal mothers still complicity [sic] in the
reproduction of sexism? Don't they, in Sarah Ruddick's words, carry out "The Father's
Will"--even or especially in His absence? Aren't patriarchal mothers, in Mary Daly's
words, their own daughters' "token-torturers?"
It is acknowledged that there is an "officially recognized"
correlation between delinquency and father-absence but this is said to be the result of
prejudice: police and social workers and teachers expect fatherless children to be
more delinquent and they stereotype them and discriminate against them on the basis of
their stereotype. "Teachers and other social agents," say Van Voorhis, Cullen,
Mathers and Garner,
are more likely to expect and ultimately perceive poor behavior from
the children of divorced parents.
"Since agencies of juvenile justice routinely include the
stability of the home as a criterion for legal intervention," says feminist Margaret
Farnsworth,
such evidence may reflect a self-fulfilling prophecy.....That is,
decision-making policy based on the assumption that broken homes lead to delinquency
could, in itself, account for the higher official rate of delinquency observed among
juveniles from broken homes.
Why do social workers, teachers and juvenile authorities--the
people who interact day in and day out with disturbed kids--why do they expect
those without fathers to be more frequently messed-up? These people are far more qualified
as experts than academic feminists sitting in offices and writing tendentious articles
enveloped in impenetrable jargon and statistical mystifications. "My
observation," writes Mrs. Betty Arras (quoted in the Annex above), shared by
virtually all my colleagues in that school [in the Oakland ghetto] was that broken
homes hurt children in every way--emotionally, academically, and socially.
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