Jewish Massacres

Christian Party

See also.

"Whereas Edom (the Jews) saith, We are impoverished, but we will return and build the desolate places; thus saith the Lord of hosts, They shall build, but I will throw down; and they shall call them, The border of wickedness, and, The people against whom the Lord hath indignation for ever."

The English Government as a body is to be blamed for the shortsighted, and also extremely harmful, attitude towards Palestine. At this day and time it cannot be doubted that Mr. Balfour's declaration of November 2, 1917, with regard to British support of the Zionist claim, was a clever move to keep France out of the Promised Land. The ambition of the Jews to establish a homeland of their own in Palestine was used by the British as a pretext to include that part of Asia in the orbit of British influence. Mr. Herbert Adams Gibbons was right when as far back as in January, 1919, he asserted that the Britishers "have planned, through using Zionism, to prevent condominium with France and other nations in Palestine, to establish an all-rail British route from Haifa to Bassorah."

So far, so good, or at least, so long as political Zionism, advocated by British diplomats, had a definite political object to serve, criticism was confined to the question of whether England or France, or both, ought to control Palestine and Mesopotamia. It is not impossible that Messrs Weizmann and Sokolow intended to double-cross British diplomacy, while the British intended to double-cross their Zionist friends, and it was difficult to forecast who, in the long run, would prove to be the user and who the used.

Still there was logic in the declaration of November 2, 1917, because there was a chance for Britain to expand her influence in Asia Minor through the wise realization of the Palestine scheme. Moreover, in a way, Palestine could have been used as a new stronghold for British rule in the East, thus strengthening England's position with regard to India. Instead, England appointed Sir Herbert Samuel High Commissioner of Palestine, which renders the whole Palestine scheme hopeless.

It is important to remember that according to Jewish sources the population of Palestine is divided thus: Mohammedans, Christians, and Jews. The bulk of the population is composed of Arabs, part of whom profess the Koran, while others have been converted to Christianity. The latter group, which is but a minor section of the total Arabian populace, is ravaged by internal strife, belonging to different denominations of the Christian Church: Roman Catholic, Protestant, Russian Greek Orthodox, etc. Nevertheless, the Arabs, whether Christians or Mohammedans, are united in their hatred of the Jew. As everywhere, the Jew in Palestine is an urban element, while the Arabs are mostly farmers. The Jew in Palestine, as all over the world, is a middleman and not a producer. He is engaged in small trade.

The antagonism between the Arabs and the Jews is so accentuated that often the country has been on the brink of an open anti-Jewish revolt. The Ottoman Empire had great trouble in suppressing the anti-Jewish feeling among both its Christian and Mohammedan subjects. The appointment of Sir Herbert Samuel, which was so much applauded by the Zionist group in England, was a direct challenge to the Arabs. To appoint a Jew to a post which required holding the balance between the Jews and the Arabs, was a measure which was apt to ruin the very idea of British prestige. What England gained through the gallant efforts of General Allenby was now nullified by Samuel's appointment.

It is immaterial whether Sir Herbert Samuel was good or bad, whether he was able or inefficient, the point is that he was a Jew, and as such, he could not maintain an equilibrium between the two parts of the Palestinian population which was so bitterly hostile to each other. Nor does it add to British prestige when orders were given, ad they were given by Sir Herbert Samuel, to British governmental employees to stand up when the Zionist anthem, Atikva, was played.

When the Zionist claim was first established, and Theodore Hertzl, in 1897, came out with his specific program of a Jewish State, the world at large gave a sigh of relief as it was trusted that henceforth the Jews would have a country of their own where they would be able to develop freely and unhampered their racial peculiarities, their cultural traditions and their religious thought.

Christian countries have been so accustomed to innumerable complaints made by the Jews of their oppression, of anti-Semitism breeding through out the world, of pogroms ravaging the Jewish masses, that there was every reason to hope that the Jews would dash to Palestine, leaving those cruel Christians to their own destinies. What better scheme for a fair solution of the Jewish problem could be hoped for by both non-Jews and Jews? The enormous wealth of Jewish bankers could be easily used for the reconstruction of Palestine, which could thus be made a model state. There was a place for everybody under the sun, and there is no reasons whatsoever why the Jews should not have their place in Asia Minor, with Jerusalem once more becoming their metropolis, with the Rothschilds and Warburgs conferring the blessings of their benevolent rule on the hitherto downtrodden people.

With this understanding, the greatest statesmen of Europe, long before Mr. Balfour's declaration, promised Theodore Hertzl their utmost support to the Zionist scheme. Kaiser Wilhelm II was the first to migrate to Palestine, thus setting the example for the Jews to follow. The Turkish Sultan assured Mr. Hertzl that he would favorably look upon the Zionist efforts in the Ottoman Empire. The Russian Minister of the Interior, Mr. V.K. Plehve, promised to help to facilitate Jewish emigration from Russia. Another reason why so many non-Jews were willing to give their enthusiastic support to the Zionist movement was because it was justly argued that should the Jews build up a state of their own, they would be relieved of the necessity of bearing the burden of double-citizenship and double-allegiance on the one hand to their own nation, and on the other hand to the countries of their adoption.

This would also enable them to abandon their traditional policy of intermeddling in foreign matters, giving them a chance to enjoy genuine independence and civic freedom. From a legal point of view, then, the Jews would be considered, outside of Palestine, as aliens, just as American are considered in Japan, or the Japanese in America.

While, of course, as Jewish citizens, they would not enjoy the rights of citizenship in any other country outside of their own Jewish State, they would also be relieved of all duties to non-Jewish countries. Consequently, they would be relieved of the hardship of serving simultaneously god and mammon. But when the time came, and the restoration of Palestine was announced by the Great Powers, many people, including some of the Jews themselves, became bitterly disappointed.

Palestine has been restored not as a Jewish State, but merely as a Homeland for those restless spirits who, while residing in New York, London or Paris, would use Palestine as their summer resort, or perhaps as an additional base for their Third International. The British protectorate over Palestine converted that country into a British colony, with the British administration ruling over the population. The most representative Zionists, themselves, came out with bitter criticism against such a solution. Thus, Israel Zangwill, in The London Jewish Chronicle, violently denounced the Judeo-British pact proposing to make Palestine a purely Jewish State, with the expulsion of all Arabs to Arabia. The Jewish Guardian, referring to this situation, remarked: "Zionists were aiming for a Jewish Palestine but the Jews received a British Palestine."

Mr. Eberlin, a Jew himself, and one of the foremost leaders of the Poale-Zionist movement, in a book published in Berlin, entitled On the Eve of Regeneration, stated: "The foreign policy of England in Asia Minor is determined by its interests in India. There was a saying about Prussia that she represents the army with an admixture of the people. About England it could be said that she represents a colonial empire with a supplement of the metropolis...It is obvious that England desires to use Palestine as a shield against India. This is the reason why she is feverishly engaged in the construction of strategic railroad lines, uniting Egypt to Palestine, Cairo to Hafia, where work is started for the construction of a huge port. IN the near future Palestine will be in a position to compete with the Isthmus of Suez, which is the main artery of the great sea route from the Mediterranean to the Indian Ocean." But this Poale-Zionist goes a step farther when he asserts that: "It is only Socialism attained in Europe which will prove capable of giving honestly and without hypocrisy Palestine to the Jews, thus assuring them unhampered development... The Jewish people will have Palestine only when British Imperialism is broken."

That was the policy towards Palestine that it was hopelessly erroneous can scarcely be denied. The Jews blamed England for making it a British colony, while the Arabs were outraged by the appointment of Sir Herbert Samuel, because he was a Jew. The British public itself was at the cross roads; whether to consider Palestine as the Promised Land for the Jews, or for the English, and so, everybody on the Thames was waiting for Mr. Lloyd George and his parliamentary secretary Mr. Sassoon, to solve the mystery of the Sphinx with regard to their Asia Minor policy.

However, there was nothing humorous in the whole situation because Lenin, the Argus of international dissension, was closely watching the developments in Syria, Mesopotamia and Palestine, and his agents were hard at work inciting the Jews against the British and the Arabs against the Jews.

Moscow Soviet propagandists were always headed for political mischief; wherever there was natural cause for unrest, they stimulated it, converting it into an international scandal. All the more serious was the situation because Palestine was literally the shield for British rule in India.

It is a long story about Hindu agitation. As far back as in 1900 the International Socialist Congress at Paris took up the Hindu question, condemning "the system of brigandage in India," which, so it was alleged, for decades had been practiced by England. Next came the Amsterdam International Congress in 1904, at which the specific demand was made by the Socialists that Great Britain "introduce the simple and feasible plan for Home Rule in India under British supervision." Mr. Dadabhai Naoroji, the Hindu member of the Conference, violently denounced British rule in his native country. Among other things he stated: "Just as it is an outrage for a strong man to fall upon a weaker one, so is it an equally great outrage for a strong nation to set upon a weaker one and plunder it. This system of barbarism and bandit-politics must be ended by the establishment of a representative government such as has been granted to every other English colony."

A similar attitude was adopted by subsequent international Socialist gatherings at Stuttgart in 1907 and in Copenhagen in 1910. Under the guidance of Mr. Keir Hardie, British labor naturally took sides with this agitation. Meanwhile nationalist propaganda in India herself went on unhampered. In the same way, however, that the Sinn Fein movement acquired both its impetus and its legal title from Mr. Wilson's Fourteen Points, so also Hindu revolutionary incendiarism acquired its "dope" from the theory of self-determination advocated by the spokesmen of the entente.

As a result of systematic propaganda, and also because of the shortsighted policy of Great Britain, India became the Ireland of the East. Armed uprisings in India had become as much a habit as chewing gum in America. In these happy circumstances, Mr. Samuel Montagu was made Secretary for India. The fact that he was a Jew, and a cousin of Sir Herbert Samuel, was, of course, less important than the fact that in his official capacity he rendered support to the Hindu revolutionary clique, headed by Mr. Gandhi.

The latter being a stanch admirer of Mr. Arthur Griffith, leader of Sinn Fein, succeeded in combining the inborn fanaticism of the Hindu with Irish stubbornness. His fame rose in proportion to the progress of revolutionary propaganda, reaching a climax after the riots at Jallianwalgah Bagh, when General Dyer ordered his men to open fire on a revolutionary mob. Gandhi was behind these riots, as he was behind every revolutionary manifestation which took place in India.

Mr. Montagu, however, out of friendship for Mr. Gandhi, dismissed General Dyer, as no longer "fitted to remain intrusted with the responsibilities which his rank and position imposed upon him." this case, which aroused just and almost unanimous criticism in the British press, is indicative of Mr. Montagu's whole policy in India. After all, what position could have been taken by General Dyer?

Lord Hunter's Commission, which was sent out to investigate the "Dyer case," confirmed the fact that the natives of Amritsar were in a state of open revolt against British rule. The mob was engaged in the destruction of railroad lines and telegraph wires, trains were derailed, disorderly meetings were held in spite of General Dyer's repeated warnings that all gatherings were prohibited and would be dispersed by force. Nor did Mr. Montagu deny that posters were put up in which the natives were urged to revolt against and conquer the "British monkeys." "God will grant victory;" thus read one of the fly-sheets circulated on the eve of the Amritsar tragedy.

"Leave off dealings with the Englishmen. Close offices and workshops. Fight on. This is the command of Mahatma Gandhi! Get ready soon for the war, and God will grant victory to India very soon. Fight with enthusiasm and enlist yourselves in the Gandhi army."

What other course could have been taken by General Dyer, when, in spite of his repeated warnings, the mob continued rioting? There is but one answer to this question: General Dyer was in duty bound to open fire on the mob and thus put an end to the revolutionary mischief. However, because General Dyer acted in compliance with his duties as a British soldier and a British subject, Mr. Montagu considered it his duty to force the resignation of Mr. Gandhi's opponent.

This was logical on the part of Mr. Montagu, for why should he act as a Brutus towards the Hindu trouble-maker? Friendship counts. That Mr. Gandhi was Mr. Montagu's friend was frankly admitted by Mr. Montagu himself. When speaking in the House of Commons, in defense of his policy in India, he exclaimed: "There is no man who offers such perplexity to a government as Mr. Gandhi; a man of the highest motives and of the finest character, a man whom his worst enemy, if he has any enemies, would agree is of the most disinterested ambitions that it is possible to conceive; a man who has deserved well of his country by the services that he has rendered both in India and outside it, and yet a man who his friends; and I will count myself as one of them, would wish would exercise his great powers with a greater sense of responsibility, and would realize in time that there are forces beyond his control and outside his influence, who use the opportunities afforded by his name and reputation."

One more interesting detail with regard to Mr. Montagu and Mr. Gandhi; these two Ajaxes of Hindu politics. India's move for self-demoralization was the adoption of the so-called policy of non-cooperation. The aims of this Hindu movement were:

1). The surrender of all titles of honor or honorary offices.

2). Suspension by lawyers of practice and settlement of civil disputes by private arbitration.

3). Non-participation in government loans.

4). Boycott of government-schools by parents.

5). Boycott of reformed councils.

6). Refusal to accept any civil or military post in Mesopotamia or to refuse to offer as units for the army special in Turkish territories being administered in violation of pledges.

7). Vigorous prosecution of Swadeshi movement, inducing people to be satisfied with India's own productions and manufactures.

8). The public are asked to refrain from taking any service either civil or military and they are enjoined to avoid all violence.

Now this was an outspoken appeal to sabotage the British rule even though represented by Mr. Montagu. Mahatma Gandhi, touching upon this point in his organ Young India, stated: "Whatever the fate of non-cooperation, I wish that not a single Indian will offer his services for Mesopotamia, whether for the civil or military department. We must learn to think for ourselves and before entering upon any employment find out whereby thereby we may not make ourselves instruments of injustice. Apart from the question of Khalifat and from the point of abstract justice, the English have no right to hold Mesopotamia. It is no part of our loyalty to help the Imperial Government in what is in plain language daylight robbery. If, therefore, we seek civil or military employment in Mesopotamia, we do so for the sake of obtaining a livelihood. It is our duty to see that that source is not tainted."

The Sinn Feiner, published in New York, from which the above quotation is taken, on its own part added: "The independence of India and Ireland are involved in any plan which destroys the very backbone of England's imperialism, her militarism and her navalism, and that is why Sinn Fein, Ireland, and a Swadeshi, India, are linked up and this is why the world is so interest in them."

That Sinn Fein and Hindu revolutionary agitation were linked up is undeniable; those, however, are not the only links in the chain of a gigantic plan to ruin the British Empire in the same way that the Russian Empire was ruined. It is not insignificant that Mr. Hourwich, a co-partner of Mr. Martens, the Soviet "Ambassador" to the United States, takes such an active part in the movement for the "liberation" of India.

Mr. Hourwich is neither a British subject nor a Hindu native, but there is every reason to suspect that he was a Jew. As such, it would seem he should have nothing in common with Hindu revolutionary propaganda and the Hindu scandals which Mr. Montagu imposes upon his land of adoption. Unfortunately, however, the contrary is true. The strife for the destruction of the British Empire had much deeper causes than the mere disapproval by some Hindu or Irish fanatics of the principles of the British colonial policy.

Once more we must revert to Mr. Eberlin, the distinguished Jewish writer, who was both a Bolshevik and a Poale-Zionist; the two terms being practically identical. In his instructive book On the Eve of Regeneration he specifically refers to the question as to why the Jews ought to support the scheme of the "Red East" and the land for the disintegration of the British Empire.

"...The struggle for the social emancipation of the East has become an indispensable condition of the world's emancipation of the proletariat ...England's Imperialism, as could have been anticipated, proved to be the main, the most stubborn, and the most hypocritical enemy of the Russian social revolution. Whatever course the revolution in Russia may assume, it will be brought into conflict with England's Imperialism...The English theory of colonization is based upon the thesis of supremacy of the White Race. In other words, on the supremacy of the Anglo-Saxon Race. This theory does not roughly proclaim, as the Germans did, the doctrine of 'fertilizing nations' (Dünger-Völker) but it applies this doctrine in practice, trying to build up by various means the so-called 'moral prestige' in order to veil its policy of brigandage. This moral prestige, however, is precisely the thing which in its very foundation is undermined by Soviet propaganda...Under the influence of this propaganda, which is one of the most successful undertakings of the Soviet Government in the realm of foreign policy, for which many of its sins will be pardoned, the peoples of the East, who are mercilessly exploited, have discovered in Socialism new means for their resistance against Imperialism. We (the Jews), too, must struggle against it side by side with all victims from Ireland to India as well as with the revolutionary British proletariat, ignoring the threats and disregarding the hypocritical advances made to us...By destroying British Imperialism at its principal root; in India, whose juice nourishes it, the Russian Revolution will accelerate the process of revolutionary fermentation in England herself and at the same time of the revolution throughout the all Western Europe. At this point Poale-Zionism encounters Soviet propaganda to which it must give its full assistance...It is necessary to force into the orbit of the gigantic social movement which started in Russia the advanced countries of the East, Egypt, Persia, etc. The Jewish socialistic center in Palestine is fit to play an important rôle in spreading Socialism in Asia Minor and in Africa."

The Jews after: Having expelled 800,000 Palestinians from the 80% of Palestine they occupied in 1948, committed massacres against the Palestinians and plundered all Palestinian lands, homes and possessions, the Zionist leaders continued their campaign of war crime, crimes against humanity and genocide against the Palestinians and Christians. From 1948 to the present they committed these crimes according to a carefully designed and calculated policy. In her book, "Israel's Sacred Terrorism," Livia Rokach describes this policy as follows: "The personal diary of Moshe Sharett sheds light on this question by amply documenting the rationale and mechanics of Israel's 'Arab policy' in the late 1940s and the 1950s. The policy portrayed, in its most intimate particulars, is one of deliberate acts of Israeli provocation, intended to generate Arab hostility and thus to create pretexts for armed action and territorial expansion. Sharett's records document this policy of 'sacred terrorism' and expose the myths of Israel's 'security needs' and the 'Arab threat' that have been treated as self-evident truths from the creation of Israel to the present, when Israeli terrorism against Palestinians in the West Bank and Gaza Strip, and against Palestinians and Lebanese in South Lebanon, has reached an intolerable level. It is becoming increasingly evident that the exceptional demographic and geographic alterations in Israeli society within the present generation have been brought about, not as the accidental results of the endeavor to guard 'Israel's security' against an 'Arab threat' but by a drive for lebensraum."

The Haganah, the Irgun Z'vai Leumi and the Stern Gang cooperated together in committing these crimes against the Palestinian Arabs. When they formed the Israeli army some units of this army, namely the commandos and the Frontier Guards, were in charge of expelling Arab villagers and Bedouins from the areas they occupied. The Jewish National Fund and the Custodian of Enemy Property were in charge of the plunder, looting and usurpation of Arab lands, homes and worldly possessions. When Livia Rokach read Moshe Sharett's diaries in Hebrew, she extracted and translated the most important points regarding Israel's strategic aims after 1948, to be realized through the following means:

"(a) New territorial conquests through war. Although the 1949-50 armistice agreements assigned to Israel a territory one-third larger than had the UN partition plan, the Israeli leadership was still not satisfied with the size of the state, the borders of which it had committed itself to respect on the international level. It sought to recover at least the borders of mandate Palestine. The territorial dimension was considered to be a vital factor in Israel's transformation into a regional power.

(b) Political as well as military efforts to bring about the liquidation of all Arab and Palestinian claims to Palestine through the dispersion of the Palestinian refugees of the 1947-49 war to faraway parts of the Arab world as well as outside the Arab world.

(c) Subversive operations designed to dismember the Arab world, defeat the Arab national movement, and create puppet regimes which would gravitate to the regional Israeli power."

To implement this strategic purpose the Israeli army needed special units which could operate without any conventional restraints. When General Moshe Dayan was Commander of the Southern Command, he formed a special commando-like patrol unit for raids across the border. When he became Head of Operations of the General Staff, Dayan was in favor of forming a special unit and later remarked: "We were in need of a man of daring, a man with a great deal of personal ambition, a skilled leader, who would be flexible and original enough to adapt literal orders according to the situation he found himself in. This force could not be allowed to disobey orders or change the goals that had been decreed from above. On the other hand, this was a new and special unit, a force that would have to establish and carry out novel methods of warfare. Therefore the commander of this new force had to be superior in his ability to think and perceive clearly and cool headedly. Arik Sharon seemed to fill all these requirements."

Having previously experimented with the concept, and having a ruthless candidate to command such a unit, Dayan engineered the approval of the General Staff for the plan proposed by Brigadier Michael Shaham to create "a special forces unit that would operate behind the armistice lines in reprisal and preemptive strikes against the Arabs."

"Thus came into being the commando force that had such an influence upon the structure and methods of action of the Israeli army today ...There was no happier man alive than Arik Sharon as he received the new appointment. He became one of the chosen few who are able to realize a cherished dream...It was with the formation of the new force, and the deviation from conventions that this implied, that Arik Sharon began his march to glory..."

Called Commando Unit 101, Sharon's command was to become synonymous with infamous crimes and the depths of depravity in an armed force. They became "a group of blood-thirsty adventurers, leaping at a chance to fire at others." The original nucleus of Commando Unity 101 was composed of volunteers who were "veterans of the Palmach, soldiers of the 'Golani' and 'Gvati' Brigades and paratroopers." Sharon trained them to be even more proficient as killers, and imbued in them the concept that they were above and beyond any kind of moral restraints, or even any discipline except within the confines of Commando Unit 101.

On one occasion when a member of Commando Unity 101 was apprehended by military policemen for a minor motor vehicle infraction, a squad of the unit's goons raided the military police station in Tiberias and "beat up three policemen so severely that they required hospitalization." Sharon "punished" the culprits "by granting them two weeks leave." Sharon further encouraged contempt for any kind of authority by "addressing his superiors with an impudence bordering on insubordination ...Arik regularly referred to the senior commanders of the IDF and the more well-known members of the government as 'dumb shits' or 'assholes,' adding vivid descriptions of the sex life that he assumed they must lead. Within two months, the 40 men of Command Unity 101 had been turned into a group of soldiers that craved battle. Gradually, Arik began sending small groups on reconnaissance missions and ambushes over the border."

In September, 1953, Command Unit 101 was given the task "to remove the Bedouin tribe of Azama from the Negev Desert." When even some of his men "voiced their reservations about using a top army unit to fight a group of defenseless civilians," Sharon responded: "By removing the Bedouins, the country is preserving its sovereignty. The Bedouins were growing accustomed to seeing our land in the desert as their own, and had we not acted now, it would have been very difficult in the future to build new settlements, or a road. Finally, Commando Unit 101 was authorized to organize and carry out a raid against the Palestinian refugee camp El-Burj in the Gaza Strip. Arik's plan was to trap Arab refugees in a crossfire between two groups of soldiers, killing a large number of them. One member of the 101st, Shmuel Falah, objected.

As they sat around the fire discussing the operational plans for the raid, Falah announced, 'I'm not going to take part in this kind of raid. We should be attacking military targets within Egypt and not civilian targets. After we're successful on this mission, the Egyptians and the guerrillas will only intensify their activities against our own civilian population...' Arik did not respond directly to Falah. Instead he offered him a smaller role, to blow up the home of the Egyptian commander who lived near the refugee camp. Falah, together with two other soldiers, accepted this assignment, while the others set out to complete the main part of Arik's plan. The results were lethal. Fifteen residents of the camp were killed, including a number of women and children. At the summary of the mission, a number of men voiced their reservations: 'Are a few hundred miserable refugees, including women and children, our real enemy?' they asked incredulously. Arik replied, 'The women are the whores of the Arab infiltrators who have been attacking our civilians. If we don't act forcefully against the refugee camps they will turn into comfortable nests for murderers.'"

Having molded his men into a bloodthirsty unit rationalizing the most heinous acts, Sharon set his sights on a new target: bringing the Israeli paratroopers under his command. Sharon's opportunity to assume control of the paratroopers soon came, when David Ben-Gurion, Defense Minister Pinhas Lavon, the Chief of the General Staff, Mordecai Maklef, and the Chief Operations Officer, Moshe Dayan, concocted the notorious raid against Kibya. A General Staff officer, Meir Amit, the only officer to later hold the post of Head of Military Intelligence and then Head of Mossad, "carried Dayan's operational order to the Central command to be translated into action. Even acting Prime Minister Moshe Sharett had only a vague idea of the evolving action. No one had bothered to inform him about what it would entail or listen to his reservations about any kind of military action."

With the exception of acting Prime Minister Moshe Sharett, practically all of the top Zionist leadership of the time were thirsting for war. In his diary entry for October 11, 1953, Sharett sarcastically recorded that Yitzhak Ben Zvi, then President of Israel, "raised as usual some inspired questions...such as do we have a chance to occupy the Sinai and how wonderful it would be if the Egyptians started an offensive which we could defeat and follow with an invasion of that desert. He was very disappointed when I told him that the Egyptians show no tendency to facilitate us in this occupation task through a provocative challenge on their side."

But the conspiracy of Ben-Gurion, Lavon, Maklef, and Dayan to attack Kibya across the Jordanian border was implemented. In his diary entry for October 15, 1953, Sharett recorded his reaction: "I was simply horrified by the description in Radio Ramallah's broadcast of the destruction of the Arab village. Tens of houses have been razed to the soil and tens of people killed. I can imagine the storms that will break out tomorrow in the Arab and Western capitals."

In his diary on the following day, October 16, Sharett wrote: "I must underline that when I opposed the action I didn't even remotely suspect such a bloodbath. I thought that I was opposing one of those actions which have become routine in the past. Had IU remotely suspected that such a massacre was to be held, I would have raised real hell. Now the army wants to know how we at the foreign ministry are going to explain the issue. In a joint meeting of army and foreign ministry officials. Shmuel Bendor suggested that we say that the army had no part in the operation, but that the inhabitants of the border villages, infuriated by previous incidents and seeking revenge, operated on their own. Such a version will make us appear ridiculous: any child would say that this was a military operation."

In his diary entry for October 17, Sharett reports the opinion of Yehoshafat Harkabi, then Assistant Chief of Military Intelligence, that "It is impossible that the Jordanians did not get the impression that the bombing of Kibya means, if not a calculated plan to cause war, then at least the willingness to have one starting as a consequence of this action."

Of the Israeli cabinet meeting on October 18, 1953, Sharett writes: "I condemned the Kibya affair that exposed us in front of the whole world as a gang of blood-suckers, capable of mass massacres regardless, it seems, of whether their actions may lead to war. I warned that this stain will stick to us and will not be washed away for many years to come...It was decided that a communiqué on Kibya will be published and Ben-Gurion was to wrote it...Ben-Gurion insisted on excluding any responsibility of the army...I said that no one in the world will believe such a story and we shall only expose ourselves as liars."

Former Knesset member Michael Bar-Zohar, a biographer of Ben-Gurion, confirms that Ben-Gurion lied: "Ben-Gurion believed that under certain circumstances, it was permissible to lie for the good of the state. But Moshe Sharett was astounded by his behavior. 'I told my wife Zipporah that I would have resigned if it had fallen to me to step before a microphone and broadcast a fictitious account of what happened to the people of Israel and to the whole world."

Sharon's personal war to gain control of the Israeli army's paratroopers had a victorious outcome as a result of the Kibya raid. When the operational plan for the raid was presented at Central Command's headquarters, the deputy commander of the paratroop battalion balked at accepting the assignment. Moshe Dayan had intended for the paratroop battalion to attack Kibya, while Commando Unit 101 was to "be responsible for the diversionary action in Shukba and Nahalin." The refusal of the paratroop battalion's command to participate in the Kibya raid resulted in Sharon's gaining total command of the raid, combining his own Commando Unit 101 with all of Israel's paratroopers. The head of the paratroopers, Lt. Col. Yehuda Harari, was subsequently forced to resign and Sharon amalgamated Commando Unit 101 and the paratroopers into one command, "designated Unit 202." From that day until today, when every senior Israeli army officer has served in the paratroopers, the paratroopers became the "murder" arm of the Israeli army, carrying out raids against civilians and murdering defenseless women and children. Only by sharing in this type of guilt with his fellow paratroopers can an Israeli officer hope to reach a senior rank.

Participation in the crimes perpetrated from 1948 to 1967 against Palestinians became a qualification for promotion for the Israeli officer corps. No career officer could achieve promotion until he had first taken part in the commission of these crimes. The Records of the United Nations Security Council from 1948 to 1967 include letters, verbatim records of Security Council Meetings, and Reports of the United Nations Truce Supervision units containing hundreds of reports documenting these crimes. They include the following:

1). The assassination of UN Mediator Count Folke Bernadotte.

2). Expulsion of Palestinian villagers.

3). Attacks on Palestinian villages, destroying houses and murdering civilians.

4). Attacks on civilian aircraft.

5). The massacre of Kibya.

6). Dragging a doctor from his car on the Behtlehem-Hebron road; shooting him and killing him.

7). The Nahalin massacre.

8). Attacks on Palestinian villages in the Syruian truce zones and on Syrian villages.

9). The massacre of Hussan.

10). Attacking a Lebanese aircraft.

11). Expelling Bedouins.

12). Shelling and air attacks against villages in Lebanon, Syria, Jordan, Egypt and Saudi Arabia.

The following crimes were investigated by the United Nations Truce Supervision personnel, and Israeli guilt was verified.

Massacres Committed by the Jews in Palestine

A Partial List

The worst of the massacres were the King David Hotel, the Semiramis Hotel, Deir Yassin, Dawayma, Kibya, Kafr Kassim, the attack against the USS Liberty and the Libyan Boeing 727 Airliner, and the massacres against Sabra and Shatila and other refugee camps in Lebanon. Following are just a few of the many massacres committed by the Jewish/Zionists; specifically the Hagana, Irgun and Stern Gangs of Israel: The Massacre of

1. King David Hotel, July 22, 1946.

2. Sharafat, Feb. 7, 1951.

3. Deir Yassin, April 10, 1948.

4. Naseruddine, April 14, 1948.

5. Carmel, April 20, 1948.

6. Al-Qabu, May 1, 1948.

7. Beit Kiras, May 3, 1948.

8. Beitkhoury, May 5, 1948.

9. Az-Zaytoun, May 6, 1948.

10. Wadi Araba, May 13, 1950.

11. Falameh, April 2, 1951.

12. Quibya, Oct. 14, 1953.

13. Nahalin, March, 28, 1954.

14. Gaza, Feb. 28, 1955.

15. Khan Yunis, May 31, 1955.

16. Khan Yunis Again, Aug. 31, 1955.

17. Tiberia, Dec. 11, 1955.

18. As-Sabha, Nov. 2, 1955.

19. Gaza Again, April 5, 1956.

20. Houssan, Sept. 25, 1956.

21. Rafa, Aug. 16, 1956.

22. Qalqilyah, Oct. 10, 1956.

23. Ar-Rahwa, Sept. 12, 1956.

24. Kahr Kassem, Oct. 29, 1956.

25. Gharandal, Sept. 13, 1956.

26. Gaza Strip, Nov. 1956.

July 2, 1946: The King David Hotel in Jerusalem was bombed. Killing 91 people. Menachem Begin, who was recently given the so-called Nobel Peace Prize (It seems this prize is given to the people who can kill the most Christians and get away with it!), and is the same Begin who planned the destruction of the King David Hotel and the massacre of Deir Yassin. Ex prime minister, Shamir, was originally a member of the Jewish terrorist gang called Irgun, which was headed by none other than Menachem Begin. Shamir later moved over to the even more radical "Stern Gang," which committed many vicious atrocities. Shamir himself has defended the various assassinations committed by the Irgun and Stern gangs on the grounds that "it was the only way we could operate, because we were so small. So it was more efficient and more moral to go for selected targets." The selected moral targets in those early days of the founding of the state of Israel included bombing of the King David Hotel and the massacre of Deir Yassin.

1946: Treaty. President Truman ordered the augmentation of U.S. Troops along the zonal occupation line and the reinforcement of air forces in Northern Italy after Yugoslav forces shot down an unarmed U.S. Army transport plane flying over Venezia Giulia. Earlier U.S. Naval units had been dispatched to the scene. The Irgun Gang murdered almost 100 British by bombing the King David Hotel. Terrorism also was (and still is) routinely practiced against Arabs to stampede them out of Palestine, thereby reducing their demographic strength even as uninvited Jews stream into the country.

The King David Hotel explosion of July 22, 1946, which resulted in the deaths of 92 Britons, Arabs and Jews, and in the wounding of 58, was not just an "extremist act" of "Jewish extremists," but a premeditated massacre conducted by the Irgun in agreement with the highest Jewish political authorities in Palestine, the Jewish Agency and its head David Ben-Gurion. According to Yitshaq Ben-Ami, a Palestinian Jew who spent 30 years in exile after the establishment of Israel investigating the crimes of the "ruthless clique heading the international Zionist movement." "The Irgun had conceived a plan for the King David attack early in 1946, but the green light was given only on July first. According to Dr. Sneh, the operation was personally approved by Ben-Gurion, from his self-exile in Europe. Sadeh, the operations officer of the Hagnah, and Giddy Paglin, the head of the Irgun operation under Menachem Begin agreed that thirty-five minutes advance notice would give the British time enough to evacuate the wing, without enabling them to disarm the explosion."

The Jewish Agency's motive was to destroy all evidence the British had gathered proving that the terrorist crime waves in Palestine were not merely the actions of "fringe" groups such as the Irgun and Stern Gang, but were committed in collusion with the Haganah and Palmach groups and under the direction of the highest political body of the Zionist establishment itself, namely the Jewish Agency.

That so many innocent civilian lives were lost in the King David massacre is a normal part of the pattern in the history of Zionist outrages: A criminal act is committed, allegedly by an isolated group, but actually under the direct authorization of the highest Zionist authorities, whether of the Jewish Agency during the Palestine Mandate or of the Government of Israel thereafter.

The following is a statement made in the House of Commons by then British Prime Minister Clement Attlee: "On July 22, 1946, one of the most dastardly and cowardly crimes in record history took place. We refer to the blowing up of the King David Hotel in Jerusalem. Ninety-two persons lost their lives in that stealthy attack, and 45 were injured, among whom there were many high officials, junior officers and office personnel, both men and women. The King David Hotel was used as an office housing the Secretariat of the Palestine Government and British Army Headquarters. The attack was made on July 22 at about 12 o'clock noon when offices are usually in full swing. The attackers, disguised as milkmen, carried the explosives in milk container, placed them in the basement of the Hotel and ran away. The Chief Secretary for the Government of Palestine, Sir John Shaw, declared in a broadcast: 'As head of the Secretariat, the majority of the dead and wounded were my own staff, many of whom I have known personally for eleven years. They are more than official colleagues, British, Arabs, Jews, Greeks, Armenians; senior officers, police, my orderly, my chauffeur, messengers, guards, men and women, young and old, they were my friends.

No man could wish to be served by a more industrious, loyal and honest group of ordinary decent people. Their only crime was their devoted, unselfish and impartial service to Palestine and its people. For this they have been rewarded by cold-blooded mass murder.' Although members of the Irgun Z'vai Leumi took responsibility for this crime, yet they also made it public later that they obtained the consent and approval of the Haganah Command, and it follows, that of the Jewish Agency."

The King David Hotel massacre shocked the conscience of the civilized world. On July 23, 1946, Anthony Eden, leader of the then British opposition Conservative Party, posed a question in the House of Commons to Prime Minister Atlee of the Labor Party, asking "the Prime Minister whether he has any statement to make on the bomb outrage at the British Headquarters in Jerusalem." The Prime Minister responded: "Hon. Members will have learned with horror of the brutal and murderous crime committed yesterday in Jerusalem. Of all the outrages which have occurred in Palestine, and they have been many and horrible in the last few months, this is the worst. By this insane act of terrorism 93 innocent people have been killed or are missing in the ruins. The latest figures of casualties are 41 dead, 52 missing and 53 injured. I have no further information at present beyond what is contained in the following official report received from Jerusalem:

'It appears that, after exploding a small bomb in the street, presumably as a diversionary measure, this did virtually no damage, a lorry drove up to the tradesmen's entrance of the King David Hotel and the occupants, after holding up the staff at pistol point, entered the kitchen premises carrying a number of milk cans. At some stage of the proceedings, they shot and seriously wounded a British soldier who attempted to interfere with them. All available information so far is to the effect that they were Jews. Somewhere in the basement of the hotel they planted bombs which went off shortly afterwards. They appear to have made good their escape.

Every effort is being made to identify and arrest the perpetrators of this outrage. The work of rescue in the debris, which was immediately organize, still continues. The next-of-kin of casualties are being notified by telegram as soon as accurate information is available. The House will wish to express their profound sympathy with the relatives of the killed and with those injured in this dastardly outrace.'"

As a result of his massacre it was said: "Root of regicide, master robbers, sinister, carrion birds of humanity, hateful, oriental slavers, puppeteers, plague, revolutionaries, subversives..."

April 9, 1948: Deir Yassin Massacre. The first major massacre in the 1948 War was the massacre of Deir Yassin on April 9/10, 1948. It was designed to spread terror and panic among the Palestinian population in every city and village of Palestine in order to frighten them into fleeing, so that their homes and land could be confiscated for the use of Jewish colonialist settlers. The tactics of the Zionist Jews were to frighten defenseless people into fleeing their homes out of fear for their lives.

A combined force of Irgun and Stern Gangs committed a brutal massacre of 260 Arab residents of the village of Deir Yassin. Most of whom were women and children. The Israeli hordes even attacked the dead to satisfy their bestial tendencies. In April, 1954, during Holy Week, and on the eve of Easter, The Christian cemeteries in Haifa were invaded, crosses broken down and trampled under the feet of these miscreants, and the tombs desecrated. The Israeli military conquest, therefore was made against a defenseless people, who had been softened up by such earlier massacres as Deir Yasin (250 Arabs; men, women and children were massacred there).

The Jew, Weizman, referred to the massacre as this "miraculous simplification of our task" and Ben Gurion said "without Deir Yasin there would be no Israel." Americans are not told that 10% of the Arabs killed by the Israeli's in 1948 were Christian and that 10% of the Arab property confiscated belonged to Christians. Nor are they told the fact that Israel's massacres and military actions forced 100,000 Christians to become refugees. Accounts by Red Cross and United Nations observers who visited the scene, said that the houses were first set on fire and the occupants were shot down as they came out to escape the flames. One pregnant woman had her baby cut out of her stomach with a knife. Reminiscent of the acts committed by their brother Jews in Russia during and after the Bolshevik (Jewish) take over. The head of the International Red Cross delegation in Palestine, Jacques de Reynier, drove into the village and was met by a detachment of Irgun terrorists. In his report of the massacre the previous night, he wrote: "All of them were young, some even adolescents, men and women armed to the teeth: revolvers, machine-guns, hand-grenades, and knives, most of them still blood-stained. A beautiful young girl with criminal eyes showed me her (knife) still dripping with blood, she displayed it like a trophy."

Two hundred and fifty people were slaughtered. Mutilating the bodies, even before death, the culprits cut off parts and opened the bellies of others. Nursing babies were butchered on the bosoms of helpless mothers. Of those two hundred and fifty people, twenty-five pregnant women were bayoneted in their abdomens while still alive. Fifty-two children were maimed under the eyes of their own mothers, and then they were slain and their heads cut off. Their mothers were in turn massacred and their bodies mutilated. About sixty other women and girls were also killed and their bodies mutilated. Such are the historical facts concerning the horrible crime perpetrated against the Arab village of Deir Yassin.

On the night of April 9/10, 1948, the peaceful Arab village of Deir Yassin, a suburb of Jerusalem, was surprised by loudspeakers calling upon the inhabitants to evacuate the village immediately. The villagers woke up and, in a state of turmoil and fear, proceeded to investigate what was going on, only to find themselves surrounded on all sides by Jewish gangs. The Jews made use of the prevailing state of fright and disorganization by killing and mutilating people who had been deprived of every opportunity to defend themselves.

The marauders were not satisfied with the crimes they had committed in the village. They gathered together the women and girls who were still alive, and after removing all their clothes, put them in open cars, driving them naked through the streets of the Jewish section of Jerusalem, where they were subjected to the mockery and insult of the onlookers. Many took photographs of those women. The crime of Deir Yassin shocked the world, which called upon the International Red Cross Society to establish the truth.

The representative of the Red Cross, Mr. Jacques Reynier, asked the Jewish Agency for permission to visit the site of the massacre. The granting of this permission was delayed twenty four hours while the Jews tried to erase the traces of their crimes. They gathered together all that was possible to collect of the parts of the mutilated bodies of their victims, dumped them in the cistern of the village and locked it up.

They did all they could to obliterate any traces that the representative of the Red Cross could come across. On visiting the site of the crime, however, the representative of the Red Cross discovered the cistern, and found one hundred and fifty maimed bodies of women and children. He could express his horror, disgust and fright at the sight only by declaring that "the situation was horrible."

In addition to the bodies that he had found in the cistern, the representative of the Red Cross discovered many other corpses scattered throughout the backstreets of the village and buried under the debris of the destroyed homes. Mr. Reynier found under a mound of dead bodies a girl of six who had been seriously sounded, but was not yet dead. He extracted the girl from under the human debris and carried her with him to the hospital.

All the Jewish Agency (the body responsible at that time for the activities of the Jewish gangs) did was to express its sorrow and condemn the affair as if it had been completely unaware of it. David Shaltiel, Commander of the Haganah, released a communiqué about Deir Yassin on April 10, in which he stated: "This morning the last Lehi and Etzel soldiers ran from Deir Yassin, and our forces entered the village. We were forced to take command of the village after the splinter forces (Irgunists and Sternists) opened a new enemy front and then fled, leaving the western neighborhoods of the city open to enemy attack. The splinter groups did not launch a military operation...They could have attacked enemy gangs in the Jerusalem area and lightened the burden which Jerusalem bears. But they chose one of the quiet villages in the area that has not been connected with any of the gang attacks since the start of the present campaign; one of the few villages that has not let foreign gangs in. For a full day, Etzel and Lehi soldiers stood and slaughtered men, women and children, not in the course of the operation, but in a premeditated act which had as its intention slaughter and murder only. They also took spoils, and when they finished their work, they fled..."

The communiqué denied Irgun and Sternist claims that a Palmach force had participated in the attack. Enraged by this declaration, Raanan and Zetler released the text of the letter Shaltiel had sent them guardedly approving the attack in advance. Israel Galili, the Haganah commander, then asked Shaltiel about this letter, which Tel Aviv had never sanctioned. Shaltiel cabled back on April 15: "I learned they were preparing action against Deir Yassin. As I didn't want to meet them I sent a letter. I would stop to the extent possible future operations of dissidents." Two days after this maneuver of the Jewish Agency, the newspaper "Hamashekev," the organ of the Irgun, replying to the Jewish Agency's condemnation of the Deir Yassin massacre, published the fact that the Commander of the Haganah (the organized forces of the Jewish Agency) had been fully aware in advance of the details of the plan and had already contemplated the occupation of Deir Yassin by the Irgun Terrorists. Meanwhile, Menahem Begin, the leader of the Irgun gang, himself admitted on December 28, 1950, in a press interview in New York, that the Deir Yassin incident had been carried out in accordance with an agreement between the Irgun and the Jewish Agency and the Haganah.

Four criminals who had taken part in the deir Yassin massacre and had been badly injured demanded remuneration from the Jewish authorities in occupied Palestine on the basis of a government decision to compensate all persons who suffered injuries during the fighting in Palestine. The authorities refused the request on the grounds that the Deir Yassin incident had not been perpetrated on orders from responsible Jewish authorities. The four culprits raised an action before the District Court at Tel-Aviv. They produced evidence that the Deir Yassin massacre had been carried out on the orders of the Jewish Agency, and in agreement with the Haganah. The District Court considered the evidence produced to be genuine and irrefutable and ruled that the plaintiffs should be compensated by the state.

By the criteria established in the International War Crimes Tribunals after World War II, the Irgun and Stern gang members directly responsible for the Deir Yassin massacre would receive death sentences for committing such an atrocity. The leaders of both gangs, including Menachem Begin of the irgun and Yitzhak Shamir of the Stern Gang, would have been convicted with a death sentence for their Command Responsibility for the massacre. Moreover, the senior commanders of the Haganah, especially Chief of Staff Yaacov Dori and Commander David Shaltiel, and the political authority responsible for the discipline of the Jewish armed units, the Jewish Agency leaders and its head David Ben-Gurion, would have borne ultimate responsibility and would have been hung like their Nazi political counterparts after World War II.

1948: The following testimony of a soldier who participated in the occupation of the Palestinian village of Dawayma (in Haifa sub-district) on October 29, 1948 is only the most recent disclosed item in a long chain of evidence: "They killed between eighty to one hundred Arab men, women and children. To kill the children they (soldiers) fractured their heads with sticks. There was not one home without corpses. The men and women of the villages were pushed into houses without food or water. Then the saboteurs came to dynamite them. One commander ordered a soldier to bring two women into a building he was about to blow up...Another soldier prided himself upon having raped an Arab woman before shooting her to death. Another Arab woman with her newborn baby was made to clean the place for a couple of days, and then they shot her and the baby. Educated and well-mannered commanders who were considered 'good guys'...became base murderers, and this non in the storm of battle, but as a method of expulsion and extermination. The fewer the Arabs who remain, the better."

1948: The Semiramis Hotel Massacre, in the Katamon section of Jerusalem, by the Jews against the Palestinians. The Jewish Agency escalated their terror campaign against Palestinian Arabs. They decided to perpetrate a wholesale massacre by bombing the Semiramis Hotel in the Katamon section of Jerusalem, in order to drive out the Palestinians from Jerusalem. The massacre of the Semiramis Hotel on January 5, 1948, was the direct responsibility of Jewish Agency leader David Ben-Gurion and Haganah leaders Moshe Sneh and Yisrael Galili. If this massacre had taken place in World War II, they would have been sentenced to death for their criminal responsibility along with the terrorists who placed the explosives. A description of the massacre of the Semiramis Hotel from the United Nations Documents follows, as well as the Palestine Police report on the crime sent to the Colonial Office in London: "January 5, 1948, Haganah terrorists made a most barbarous attack at one o'clock in the early morning of Monday, January 5, 1948, at the Semiramis Hotel in the Katamon section of Jerusalem, killing innocent people and wounding many. The Jewish Agency terrorist forces blasted the entrance to the hotel by a small bomb and then placed bombs in the basement of the building. As a result of the explosion the whole building collapsed with its residents. As the terrorists withdrew, they started shooting at the houses in the neighborhood. Those killed were: Subhi El-Taher, Moslem; Mary Masoud, Christian; Georgette Khoury, Christian; Abbas Awadin, Moslem; Nazir Lorenzo, Christian; Mary Lorenzo, Christina; Mohammed Saleh Ahmed, Moslem; Ashur Abed El Razik Juma, Moslem; Ismail Abed El Aziz, Moslem; Ambeer Lorenzo, Christian; Raof Lorenzo, Christian; Abu Suwan Christian family, seven members, husband, wife and five children. Besides those killed, 16 more were wounded, among them women and children."

The following is a text of a cable by the High Commissioner for Palestine to the Colonial Office about the massacre: "Jerusalem. 0117 hours, Urban. At approximately 0117 hours, a grenade was thrown into the Semiramis Hotel, Katamon Quarter, causing superficial damage but no casualties. During the ensuing confusion, a charge was placed in the building and it exploded about one minute later, completely demolishing half the hotel. Witnesses have stated that the perpetrators arrived by way of the Upper Katamon Road in two taxis. Four persons are reported to have alighted from he first taxi, and one person, who apparently covered the main party, from the second. All were wearing European clothes.

The following are the known casualties: Dead - Manuel Allendesalazar y Traveseda - Spanish Consul at Jerusalem; Nazira Lorenzo; Mary Lorenzo; Abbas Ahmed Awadin, an Egyptian waiter, and Ashur Abdul Razzik Juma. (The last two named have not yet been extricated from the debris). Seriously Injured - Mrs. Georgette Khouri, aged 38, of Jaffa. Slightly Injured - Silvo Lorenzo; Eddy Lorenzo; Rene Lorenzo; Rita Lorenzo; Joseph Lorenzo; Dr. Abu Sawan; Cyril Abu Sawan; Matier Abu Sawan; Friek Batawi; Daoud Khadoush; Mohammed Ahmed Abdul Najib; Ibrahim Nicola; Hassan Mohammed; Awad Mohammed; Hassan Ibrahim; and No. 874 F.P.C. Hamil Ragheb Dajani.

The following are believed to be buried underneath the debris: Raouf Lorenzo and his wife; Lutfi Abu Sawan (62) and his wife (45); Labibeh Lorenzo (40); Hubert Lorenzo (25); Subhi Taha (25); Amneh Abdul Azziz Zorob (34); Ismail Zaid Abdo (15), son of Amneh Zorob; and Gharviayeh Saoud Abu Yunis (30). The bodies of two of these persons have been extricated from the debris but have not yet been identified. Heavy firing broke out in the Katamon area after the first explosion, and Mohammed Ahmed Saleh of Beit Rima, who was near the hotel in the company of another Arab, was shot in the head and killed."

May 1948: The U.S. appointed Count Folke Bernadotte of Sweden to mediate between the Arabs and the Israelis. In his first progress report (of Sept. 16, 1948) he recommended that the U.N. should affirm "the right of the Arab refugees to return to their homes in Jewish controlled territory at the earliest possible date." The Israelis responded in their own quiet way. The following day Bernadotte was murdered in Jerusalem.

The spectacular assassination which caused an International outcry was claimed, the, by an unknown "Fatherland Front," but that was a cover for Shamir's Stern Gang. Yoshua Zeitler and Meshlam Markover of Stern told Israeli Television earlier this year (1989) that, they respectively directed and led the operation that killed the Swedish diplomat and his French aid-de-camp. Zeitler, 71, said he decided to speak now because of fear that the U.N. and the "goyim" (non-Jews) are again trying to force Israel into concessions.

February 1949: Israel launched an offensive across the Armistice lines with Egypt which brought its forces to the Gulf of Aqaba, occupying the Palestinian police post of Umm Rashrash which they afterwards named Eilat.

1950: Israelis seized the Al-Uja de-militarized zone on the Egyptian side and Baqqara on the Syrian side, expelling their Arab inhabitants and razed their homes to the ground by bulldozers.

July 24, 1950: A fighter aircraft of the Israeli air force violating the Lebanese frontier and the armistice boundaries established by decision of the Security Council attacked over Lebanese territory a Lebanese civil aircraft of the Campaign Generale Transports on regular service between Beirut and Jerusalem, in the following circumstances:

The Lebanese aircraft, carrying twenty-four civilian passengers, men, women and children, fourteen of whom were Jordanians, eight Americans and two Daines, left Kalandia Airport at 1530 GMT on July 24 and set it course 080 in the direction of Amman, flying over Jerusalem at 7,000 feet KFF, then continuing in the same direction as far as Amman at altitude 8,500 feet, then set its course at 350 degrees in the direction of Hermon leaving it thirty kilometers to the left and flying over the foothills of Hermon. After reducing its height for about three minutes to altitude 7,000 feet, and at about seventeen minutes from Beirut, it saw a fighter aircraft bearing a star on a colored background with horizontal bands on the rudder. This aircraft approaching very near the Lebanese aircraft seven or eight times, lowering and raising its landing gear; the Lebanese aircraft, being over mountainous Lebanese territory, proceeded towards Beirut, its nearest aerodrome. At this moment the fighter attacked it from the rear with a machine gun, and it was hit by several bursts and pursued to altitude 2,000 feet near Saida.

One passenger was killed, seven were wounded and the radio navigator, who was seriously wounded, died later. The French pilot, who was wounded, was able to continue as far as Beirut, avoiding disaster. The weather was very fine and the sky clear; therefore, the registration markings on the Lebanese aircraft were fully visible. This unwarranted and premeditated attack over Lebanese territory against a defenseless civil aircraft constitutes a flagrant violation of the armistice conditions laid down by the Security Council and shows total disregard for United Nations principles, the laws of war and the most elementary principles of humanity.

1950-1955: Israeli forces unleashed more than 40 acts of armed aggressions against Arab states, almost all causing a heavy loss of life. This included attacks and massacres in Qibya, Huleh 1953, Nahalin, Kfar Qassem in 1954, Gaza and a Syrian outpost on Lake Tiberias in 1955.

March 30, 1951: On March 30, 1951, Israeli police (illegally evacuated) the Arab inhabitants of the village Baqqara, numbering, with the neighboring refugees living in the same village, about 980. The village of Baqqara is situated within the demilitarized zone on the western side of the Jordan River in the Huleh area. It goes without saying that such an action is a flagrant violation of article V, paragraph 2 of the General Armistice Agreement, which stipulates that no hinderance to the restoration of normal civilian life by the inhabitants could be allowed in the demilitarized zone.

April 10, 1951: A detachment of Israeli police, who had illegally entered the demilitarized zone, opened fire on the Arab village of Nuqueib with the intention of occupying it in conformity with the Israel plan of systematic and progressive occupation of the demilitarized zone.

May 2, 1951: An Israeli patrol seized cattle, which were grazing near the demarcation line in the demilitarized zone. The Israeli patrol, they said, had fired on Arab shepherds. Small-arms fire was heard in that village and Arab villagers armed with rifles attempted to recover the cattle. The Israel patrol had by that time driven the cattle well within Israel territory and had already killed fifteen cows.

May 6, 1951: Intense mortar fire lasting fifteen minutes was opened on the Arab positions above Shamalne village, with several rounds falling on the village itself. There was in addition considerable rifle and automatic weapons fire. Shamalne village was shelled with heavy mortar and field artillery guns, at least 100 rounds falling in the village or its close proximity. Shamalne village in the demilitarized zone was the target of the fire. The mortar fire decreased and shells landed on an adjoining hail. Numerous casualties have been reported, the observer seeing three Arab dead and two wounded.

May 7, 1951: The Israeli Army had violated the general Armistice Agreement by attacking with artillery, air force and infantry, the Arabs of Shamalne village who were expelled from the demilitarized zone, leaving behind six killed and forty-seven wounded.

May 9, 1951: Israeli forces started shelling and machine-gunning the village of Shamalne. Several bombs fell on the Buteiha area (Syrian territory), and on the Syrian outpost of Al-Hassel; and one woman was killed.

September 1951: Incidents in the Gaza strip area, in so far as they could not be disposed of by a sub-committee of the Mixed Armistice commission, have been considered by the Mixed Armistice Commission itself. At a meeting held on September 23, 1951, it examined an Egyptian complaint alleging that on September 19 Israelis had shelled the Beit Hanum area in the Gaza strip and that they had blown up a number of houses, killing and injuring some Arabs. The Commission adopted the following resolution by unanimous vote: "The Mixed Armistice Commission. Having examined the Egyptian complaint dated September 19, 1951 and the report of the investigation carried out by the United Nations observer. Decided that the action carried out by the Israelis on September 19, 1951 is a violation of article II, paragraph 2, of the Egyptian/Israel Armistice Agreement."

October 19, 1951: A raid during the night of October 19 resulted in the destruction of the Gaza ice factory, the death of one Arab boy and the injury of eleven other persons.

September 2, 1953: The Israeli authorities started works to change the bed of the River Jordan in the central sector of the demilitarized zone. The purpose of these works was to divert the river into a new channel, in order to make it flow through territory controlled by the Israeli authorities. These acts were accompanied by military operations, also in the central sector of the demilitarized zone. Partial mobilization has been carried out behind the sector in question.

October 14, 1953: A battalion scale attack was launched by Israeli troops on the village of Qibya in the Hashemite Kingdom of Jordan. The Israelis entered the village and systematically murdered all occupants of many houses, using automatic weapons, grenades. and incendiaries, and dynamited houses over victims' heads. On October 14 the bodies of 42 Arab civilians were recovered. Four men and 38 women and children bore small arms or grenade wounds. Several more bodies were still under the wreckage. Forty house, the village school, and a reservoir were destroyed. Twenty-two cattle were killed and six shops looted. Approach roads from neighboring villages were mined.

October 14, 1953: was a continuation of such brutal, inhuman massacres as the King David Hotel, Semiramis Hotel and Deir Yassin. But it was also a watershed in one of the most sinister grand designs in military history - a deliberate turning of an entire officer corps into a cabal with shared personal guilt for vicious war crimes. The Nazis organized a separate all-volunteer army, under Heinrich Himmler, the Waffen SS. The SS was responsible for the majority of the German war atrocities comparable to those committed by the Zionists. In 1953, Ben-Gurion established an SS equivalent in the Zahal, designated as Commando Unit 101. This all-volunteer unit was responsible for the Kibya massacre and was given exemption from the rules of war as if the Geneva Convention never existed. The first, and only, commander of Commando Unit 101 was Ariel Sharon, the single person most responsible years later for the notorious Sabra dn Shatila massacre in Beirut, Lebanon. The guilt of Commando Unit 101 was the in the most sinister fashion extended first to the Israeli Airborne forces, and subsequently to the entire career officer corps of the Israeli Army. Sharon maneuvered the resignation of the professional commander of the Israeli paratroops, Yehuda Harari, and amalgamated the paratroops along with Commando Unit 101 into Unity 202 of the Israeli Army. The professionalism of the Israeli Airborne troops was thus destroyed, turning all Israeli paratroopers, not just the participants in the Kibya Massacre, into common criminals and murderers of innocent men, women and children.

The Zionists, having destroyed the professionalism of their own Airborne Force, proceeded to destroy the professionalism of the entire career Officer Corps of the Israeli Defense Forces. No senior officer of the IDF could gain promotion without prior service in the paratroops, and all paratroopers shared in war crimes guilt through assignments given them to murder civilians and to commit other acts illegal under the Geneva Convention. According to an authoritative survey of the Israeli Army "The silver parachute 'jump-wings' are worn by almost all Zahal officers, as it is normally a required qualification." The Government of Israel at the time claimed that the Kibya Massacre was performed by "civilian Jewish settlers." But the historical record shows that it was sanctioned by acting Prime Minister Moshe Sharrett, and was planned by Defense Minister Pinhas Lavon, the Chief of the General Staff Mordecai Maklef, and the Chief of Operations, General Moshe Dayan, in concert with vacationing Israeli Prime Minister David Ben-Gurion.

Despite the Israeli Government's attempt at cover-up, word spread of their responsibility for the Kibya Massacre and Ariel Sharon's role ultimately came out in connection with this crime. No less a Zionist figure than I.L. Kenen, the founding father of AIPAC (American Israel Public Affairs Committee), the official Israeli lobby in the United States, revealed in his Memoirs: "I was on my way home on the subway, headed for Riverdale, when I heard a brief news flash in the World Telegram disclosing that 66 Arabs had been killed at Kibya as Israelis sought to avenge the slaughter of an Israeli family. I did not know until years later that the raid was ordered by Ariel Sharon, the Israeli commander who led the invasion of Lebanon in 1982."

At 9:30 p.m., on Wednesday, October 14, 1953, Israeli troops attacked the border Jordanian village of Kibya, Northwest of Jerusalem. Seven hundred regular Israeli troops participated in the attack in which mortars, machine guns, rifles and explosives were used. Forty-two houses as well as the school and the mosque of the village were dynamited. Every man, woman and child found by the attackers was killed; all in all, seventy-five innocent villagers were murdered in cold blood that night. Later, the attackers turned their fire on the cattle, killing 22 cows. The attack was the bloodiest and most brutal Zionist crime since the infamous Deir Yassin massacre of 1948. The Jordanian Government immediately informed the Truce Supervision Organization of the attack. The signatories of the Three Power Declaration of 1950 (U.S.A., Britain and France) were also informed of the serious consequences of the despicable Zionist aggression. The Arab Legion cancelled all leaves, thousands of persons demonstrated in the streets of Amman, Nablus and Old Jerusalem asking for arms to avenge the innocent victims of Kibya. The Jordan Cabinet held a series of meetings with military chiefs to discuss measures to be taken to deal with the situation resulting from the Zionist attack. After a two-hour meeting, the Jordan-Israeli Mixed Armistice Commission convicted Israel of the Kibya murders.

Reaction of Western Powers: In London, the Ministers of major western powers who were meeting in the British capital condemned the Israeli crime. The British Foreign Office issued a statement in which the attack was described as constituting the gravest violation of the Palestine Armistice Agreement and a serious threat to peace in the area. The statement added: "Her Majesty's ambassador in Tel-Aviv has been instructed to express to the Israeli Government the horror of her Majesty's Government at the apparently calculated attack. Her Majesty's Government expects the Israeli Government to bring to justice those who are responsible and to take measures to compensate the victims."

In Paris, the French Government announced that it associated itself with Great Britain in protesting in horror against the Israeli attack. A spokesman for the French Foreign Ministry also confirmed that a French note of protest was delivered to Israel through the French embassy in Tel-Aviv. In Washington, the Department of State issued a statement in which it said: "The U.S. Government has the deepest sympathy for the families of those who lost their lives in and near Kibya during the recent attack by Israeli forces. The shocking reports which have reached the Department of State of the loss of lives and property involved in this incident convince us that those who are responsible should be brought to account and that effective measures should be taken to prevent such incidents in the future."

Jordan Reports Kiby Massacre to Security Council: On October 16, 1953, Dr. Yousif Haikal, Jordanian Ambassador to the United Nations, addressed the following letter to the President of the Security Council reporting the Israeli Kibya attack: "Under instructions from my Government I have the honor to bring the following matter to your attention: On Wednesday, October 14, 1953, at 9:30 p.m., a battalion scale attack was launched by Israeli troops on the village of Kibya in the Hashemite Kingdom of Jordan. The Israelis entered the village and systematically murdered all occupants of houses, using automatic weapons, grenades, and incendiaries; and dynamited houses over victims' heads. On October 14, the bodies of forty-two Arab civilians were recovered. Four men and thirty-eight women and children bore small-arms or grenade wounds. Several more bodies were still under the wreckage. Forty houses, the village school, and a reservoir were destroyed. Twenty-two cattle were killed and six shops looted. Approach roads from neighboring villages were mined. Several men of the village police and National Guards, who were absent on frontier duty preventing Jordan infiltrators from entering Israel, lost their families, one man lost his entire family of eleven. Quantities of unused explosives bearing Israeli Army markings in Hebrew were found in the village.

At about 3:00 a.m., to cover their withdrawal, Israeli support troops began shelling the neighboring villages of Budrus and Shuqba from positions in Israel, damaging a number of houses. On that same day, October 14, Israel had been condemned by the Mixed Armistice Commission for ambushes on a civilian buss and taxi travelling between Beit Sira and Latrun. At an emergency meeting on October 15, the Mixed Armistice Commission condemned Israel by majority vote for the shelling of Budrus by a supporting unit of the Israel attacking forces (under the Armistice Agreement, Article 3, Paragraphs 2 and 3). The Commission passed a resolution by majority vote, calling upon the Israeli Government to take immediate and most urgent steps to prevent the recurrence of such steps on Jordan and Jordan citizens. The Jordan Government has taken appropriate measures to meet the emergency. However, it feels that this criminal Israeli aggression is so serious that it might start a war in the area. It has the view, therefore, that the situation calls imperatively for an immediate and effective action by the United Nations, and especially by those nations party to the Tripartite Declaration of May 25, 1950."

Security Council Debate on Israeli Border Aggressions: On October 19, the United Nations Security Council met at the invitation of the three Great Western Powers to discuss the Israeli border aggressions. On October 26, General Van Bennike testified before the United Nations Security Council. He gave irrefutable evidence that the brutal attack on Kibya was undertaken by regular army units of Israel and not by irregulars as claimed by official Israeli sources.

The following is the full text of General Van Bennike's report on Kibya: "The information I am going to submit on the Kibya incident is based on reports received from United Nations observers, in particular from the senior officer who is the Acting Chairman of the Mixed Armistice Commission. Following the receipt of a Jordan complaint that a raid on the village of Kibya had been carried out by Israel military forces during the night of 14-15 October, between 9:30 p.m. and 4:30 a.m., a United Nations investigation team departed from Jerusalem for Kibya at about 6:30 a.m. on 15 October. The Acting Chairman also left for Kibya on the same morning. On reaching the village he found that between thirty and forty buildings had been completely demolished, including the school, the water pumping station, the police station and the telephone office.

Near the police station, one lorry had been completely destroyed by fire. The necks and trigger attachments of incendiary bombs were found nearby. Bullet-riddle bodies near the doorways and multiple bullet hits on the doors of the demolished houses indicated that the inhabitants had been forced to remain inside until their homes were blown up over them.

There were several small craters along the western perimeter of the village, and the tails of two-inch mortar shells were found. Four gaps, approximately three meters in width, had been blasted in the barbed-wire protective fence surrounding the village. Fragments, easily identifiable as parts of Bangalore torpedoes, were found near these gaps.

By the time the Acting Chairman left Kibya, twenty-seven bodies had been dug from the rubble. The villagers were digging for others who they knew were still buried beneath the building stones. They believed that the number of dead might reach sixty. Six wounded persons were seen in the village, and the Acting Chairman was told that there were other wounded persons in the hospital.

Witnesses were uniform in describing their experiences as a night of horror, during which Israeli soldiers moved about in their village, blowing up buildings, firing into doorways and windows with automatic weapons and throwing hand grenades. A number of unexploded hand grenades, marked with Hebrew letters indicating recent Israeli manufacture, and three bags of TNT were found in and about the village. An emergency meeting of the Mixed Armistice Commission was held in the afternoon of 15 October. The following resolution, moved by the Jordan delegation, was adopted by majority vote, with the Israeli delegation voting against it:

'(a) The crossing of the demarcation line by a force approximately one half of a battalion from the Israeli Regular Army, fully equipped, into Kibya village on the night of 14-15 October, 1953, to attack the inhabitants by firing from automatic weapons and throwing grenades and using Bangalore torpedoes together with TNT explosives by which forty-one dwelling houses and a school building were completely blown up, resulting in the cold-blooded murder of forty-two lives, including men, women, children, and the wounding of fifteen persons and the damage of a police car, (and) at the same time, the crossing of a part of the same group in to Shuqba village, (are) a breach of article III, paragraph 2 of the General Armistice Agreement.

(b) The shelling by a supporting unit to that force by three-inch mortar guns resulted in the damage of some houses and a bus and the wounding of a N.C.O in charge of the National Guards, is a breach of article III, paragraph 3 of the General Armistice Agreement. The Mixed Armistice Commission decides that it is extremely important that the Israeli authorities should take immediately the most vigorous measures to prevent the recurrence of such aggressions against Jordan and its citizens.' I discussed with Commander Hutchison, of the U.S.A. Navy, the Acting Chairman of the Mixed Armistice Commission, the reasons why he had supported the resolution condemning the Israeli Army for having carried out this attack and, after listening to his explanations and technical arguments, I found them most convincing."

Security Council Condemns Israel for Kibya Raid: On November 9, the British, United States, French and Greek delegates to the Security Council told the Council they held Israel responsible for the raid on Kibya. After a long debate which the Israeli delegate to the UN tried to drown the aggression on Kibya in a generalized discussion of all sorts of aspects of the Palestine Question, the Council finally approved on 25 November a draft resolution introduced by France the United Kingdom and the United States.

The resolution condemned Israel's crime at Kibya in unmistakable terms. It said in part: "The Security Council, Recalling its previous resolutions on the Palestine question, particularly those of 15 July 1948, 11 August 1949, and 18 May 1951 concerning methods for maintaining the armistice and resolving disputes through the Mixed Armistice Commission; Noting the reports of 27 October 1953 and 9 November 1953 to the Security Council by the Chief of Staff of the United Nations Truce Supervision Organization and the statements to the Security Council by the representatives of Jordan and Israel; Finds that the action at Kibya taken by armed forces of Israel 14-15 October 1953 and all such actions constitute a violation of the ceasefire provisions of the Security Council resolution of 15 July 1948 and are inconsistent with the Parties' obligations under the General Armistice Agreement and the Charter; Expresses the strongest censure of that action which can only prejudice the chances of that peaceful settlement which both Parties in accordance with the Charter are bound to seek, and calls upon Israel to take effective measures to prevent all such actions in the future."

American Private Citizens Expressed Outrage At Israel For The Kibya Massacre: The following comments are by Passionist Father Ralph Gorman, Editor of "The Sign," National Catholic Magazine of the United States: "Terror was a political weapon of the Nazis. But the Nazis never used terror in a more cold-blooded and wanton manner than the Israelis in the massacre at Kibya. The official report of the Palestine Truce Supervisor removed any possible doubt that the Israelis, themselves in large part refugees from Hitler's terror, were perpetrators of this horrible slaughter of innocent men, women and children. It also reveals that it was an official act of the State, carried out by an official organ, the army.

Kibya is an Arab village twenty miles northeast of Jerusalem and a mile and a half from he border of Israel. The evening of October 14, was like any other for the 1500 inhabitants of the peaceful village until at 9:30 all hell let loose. Mortar shells began exploding from artillery that had been carefully aimed from Israel before dark. After the town had been partly demolished and many of its inhabitants buried in the rubble of falling homes or blown to bits by the exploding shells, half a battalion of the regular Israeli army moved in and surrounded the village to cut off escape. Then followed an orgy of murder that would be incredible if it had not been verified by reliable neutral testimony. Women and children as well as men were murdered deliberately, systematically, and in cold blood.

The only response the Israelis have made to outraged protest of the civilized world had been one of defiance and self-justification. Prime Minister David Ben-Gurion excused the murderers. Israeli newspapers openly gloated over the deed, and even American Zionists showed little concern other than a fear that American dollars might not continue to flow as freely as before into the coffers of the new state.

Most of our readers know by now our attitude on Zionism. We are not anti-Semitic, although anybody who criticizes Israel is tarred with this brush in some quarters. We have always advocated help for persecuted Jews and an open-door policy for Jewish immigration into the United States. But Palestine has been an Arab country since the seventh century, and it is a horrible injustice to rob the Arabs of their land and drive them into exile in order to make a home for Jewish refugees. If want a measure of justice for all concerned, if we want any respect for the United Nations and its decisions, if we want peace in the Middle East and the vast Moslem world on our side, then we must take action now. We simply cannot permit the Israelis to go on thumbing their noses at the United Nations and flouting the most fundamental decencies of the civilized world.

We should demand that the Israelis accept, and accept as final, the territorial limits established by the United Nations, with minor rectifications to return to Arab villages land which has been cut off by an arbitrary drawing of boundaries. We should give a guarantee to the Arabs that in case of further Israeli aggression we shall shut off all help to Israel and give all possible aid to the Arabs. We can and should force the Israelis to accept the United Nations decision to internationalize Jerusalem. This is a matter in which the whole Christian world has an interest. These are minimum and essential demands. We must confess a fear that little or nothing will be done in spite of the tremendous issues involved. The Zionist pressure group in this country is so powerful that even the highest Government officials either talk as if they were citizens of Israel or keep silent."

John Barwick is an American citizen who was for many years YMCA Representative in the Middle East and was then living in Jerusalem. In the following article he describes the indelible effect of the fact that American ammunition was used in the Kibya Massacre: "FA 43, that is what is stamped on the rim of this cartridge shell. There is a dent in the copper center which means it had done its job. But it was still vigorous enough at midnight on October 14, 1953 to penetrate a baby's skull as it lay on its mother's lap. Its fellows in the magazine of that gun did the same for a three-year-old boy, this four-year old sister and their mother. All the wounds were in the back of their heads. Their bodies were bowed as in prayer when the stone of their home were lifted off them. Those who made that cartridge hoped it would keep the Nazis behind the Rhine. The Arab village of Kibya will probably outlive Lidice in the hot memories of hate. To Kibya, Israel dispatched its army, as its instrument of national policy, to use artillery to blast its way into an unarmed village of 2,000 people, kick open a few doors, shoot in cold blood a dozen families, put demolition bombs under their houses then sit on the wall in the moonlight to watch them blow up, smoking cigarettes looted from the shops. After that the soldiers loaded the loot on a few donkeys, shot the rest of the livestock and went leisurely home to well-earned rest. The irony of all this is that for centuries Arab countries had been the refuge of Jews persecuted in so-called Christian lands. The practical problem the world faces today is the mind of the Arab holding this shell. He has been told it is of American origin and he is not surprised, although it is not what he hoped for from a country known for its kindness. FA 13 against the background of a white hot memory - that night when his world fell around him, his army 75 miles away, unable to respond to his pleas, his women and children dying under the rubble of his roof, no help of any kind for hours, no doctors or nurses until all but two had died, not even an ambulance for almost 24 hours.

The conclusion is inescapable: all he held dear was destroyed through Barbarism made possible by American bullets and shells. All the missionaries America may send from now on, all the Point Four we can pour into the country, all the U.N. relief we can provide, will not wipe out the memory."

Revelations From the Diary of Moshe Sharrett: Years after the Kibya incident, the diary of then Acting Prime Minister and Foreign Minister Moshe Sharrett was published. Sharrett had originally sanctioned a "reprisal" raid of some kind, but he changed his mind and tried to abort a major raid. But the ruthless clique then headed by Ben-Gurion ignored Sharrett's reservations. Sharrett's diary entries disclose: "I told Lavon that this (attack) will be a grave error, and recalled, citing various precedents, that it was never proved that reprisal actions serve their declared purpose. Lavon smiled...and kept to his own idea... Ben Gurion, he said, didn't share my view. According to the first news from the other side, thirty houses have been demolished in one village. This reprisal is unprecedented in its dimensions and in the offensive power used. I walked up and down in my room, helpless and utterly depressed by my feelings of impotence...I was simply horrified by the description in Radio Ramallah's broadcast of the destruction of the Arab village. Tens of houses have been razed to the soil and tens of people killed. I can imagine the storm that will break out tomorrow in the Arab and Western capitals. I must underline that when I opposed the action I dint' even remotely suspect such a bloodbath. I thought I was opposing one of those actions which have become a routine in the past. Had I even remotely suspected that such a massacre was to be held, I would have raised real hell. (In the cabinet meeting) I condemned the Kibya affair that exposed us in front of the whole world as a gang of bloodsuckers, capable of mass massacres regardless, it seems, of whether their actions may lead to war. I warned that this stain will stick to us and will not be washed away for many years to come."

October 14-15, 1953: Under the command of Ariel Sharon, Israeli squads attacked the unarmed Arab village of Qibya in the demilitarized one. Where they blew up 42 houses and killed more than sixty residents who were trapped inside. The details were so gruesome that the U.S. joined in a U.N. condemnation of the Israeli action, and for the first and only time, suspended aid to Israel in reprisal.

December 18, 1953: Captain Mansur Mouawad, a Lebanese physician in the service of the Army of the Hashemite Kingdom of Jordan, was murdered in a brutal and barbaric manner by an Israeli armed group.

December 21, 1953: An armed group attacked a Bedouin camp near Tarqumyia wounding one man. Israel was condemned by the Mixed Armistice Commission for this incident.

December 21, 1953: An armed group, using explosives and automatic weapons, attacked a house near Hebron killing one pregnant woman and two men, and wounding another man. Israel was condemned for this incident.

February 17, 1954: An armed group, using explosives and automatic weapons, attacked a house at Kharass Village (south central area) killing one Jordanian and wounding his ten-year-old son. Israel was condemned by the Mixed Armistice Commission for this incident.

February 18, 1954: A patrol of two Egyptian soldiers in Egyptian territory was attacked by armed Israelis hiding in ambush. One of the Egyptian soldiers was kidnapped and killed inside Israel-controlled territory, close to the demarcation line.

February 19, 1954: Armed Israelis opened automatic fire across the demarcation line at an Arab working in his field. The Arab was seriously injured.

March 29, 1954: Nahhalin village, an Israel armed force, well equipped, surrounded the village from three directions and penetrated inside the village and opened fire from different automatic weapons, threw hand-grenades and placed mines at some houses, including the mosque of the village; 9 persons - 8 men and 1 woman were killed, and 14 others were injured and taken to a hospital.

June 12, 1954: Israeli terrorist activities against the Arab population of Baqqara and Ghannama are continuing. A large part of this population was obliged in desperation to take refuge near the bridge of Banat Ya'coub and to request admission to Syria. Clear proofs of this policy of harassment and evacuation directed against the Arab civilian population of the central demilitarized zone can easily be furnished on request.

July 4, 1954: A high Israel military officer visiting the two villages of the Arab population of Baqqara and Ghannama said to the Arab population: "You must do one of two things, either become Israel nationals or leave the zone, your land your houses and your property and go to an Arab country."

July 1954: Israeli intelligence planted "a ring of spies (Moles)" in Cairo, its task was to begin sabotage operations against selected Egyptian, British and American targets...On July 14, the Alexandria post office was fire-bombed and the U.S. Information Agency offices in Cairo and Alexandria were damaged by fire started by phosphorous incendiary devices, as was a British-owned theater. Members of the spy ring were caught, and they confessed. They had been planted by Modin, the Israeli military intelligence organization. The purpose, presumably, was to sabotage Egyptian relations with the U.S. and Britain. Various commissions of inquiry into the affair conducted in Israel were never able to decide whether or not Israeli Defense Minister Pinchon Lavon authorized the operation.

August 30, 1954: An Israeli military force of about three platoons crossed the demarcation line into Jordan territory and opened fire against Kh. Sikka and Deir Al'Asal villages. The group was supported by fire from within Israel. The fire was returned by Arab Legion and National Guard forces. The Israelis withdrew under cover of a smoke screen, leaving munitions, medical supplies and food containers behind them. One arab legionary was killed and three members of the Arab national Guard were wounded.

September 1-2, 1954: A large force of Israeli soldiers, estimated at battalion strength, crossed the demarcation line from the direction of Im'in. The Israeli force opened fire against the village of Beit Liqya well inside Jordanian territory using automatic weapons, hand grenades and 2-inch mortars, and blew a gap, with Bangalore torpedoes, in the wire fence surrounding this village. At the same time, another Israeli force was taking up positions in the hills to the south of Beit Liqya, from which they were firing heavily to support those who were trying to enter the village. To the north, near Beit 'Ur at Tahta, an Arab Legion modified troop-carrier, proceeding with reinforcements to the scene, blew up on a land mine which had been planted by Israeli soldiers. After the explosion, Israeli soldiers who were lying in ambush rushed to the truck, fired automatic weapons and threw an incendiary bomb into it. As a result, two Arab legionaries were killed, one was injured and three were abducted. Still another force of Israeli soldiers advanced into Jordan along the Wadi el Malaqi.

February 28, 1955: Violent and premedicated aggression committed by Israeli armed forces against Egyptian armed forces inside Egyptian controlled territory near Gaza, causing many casualties, including 39 dead and 32 wounded, and the destruction of certain military installations, in violation of, inter alia, article I, paragraph 2, and article II, paragraph 2, of the Egyptian-Israeli General Armistice Agreement.

March 9, 1955: Israel was condemned for an incident, when an Arab farmer was wounded in the Gaza strip by an Israeli patrol which fired across the demarcation line. The wounded man was captured by two armed Israelis who crossed the demarcation line.

April 2, 1955: The Mixed Armistice Commission found that at about 0940 hours local time, Israeli soldiers had fired at an Egyptian outpost with rifles, automatic weapons and 3-inch mortars, that an Israeli jeep had penetrated 100 meters into Egyptian controlled territory, and that, as a result of this act of aggression, two Egyptian soldiers had been wounded, one of whom had died of his wounds.

October 16, 1955: Israel forces opened fire on the village of Dureijat, near the Banat Ya'coub bridge in Syrian territory. Two people were seriously wounded.

October 22, 1955: An Israeli army detachment consisting of about 250 commandos crossed the demarcation line and entered Syrian territory. The detachment was equipped with heavy arms. After penetrating two kilometers into Syrian territory, the Israelis laid an ambush in the course of which they set fire to a Syrian army car and seized an officer and a soldier. Another military car drove up and was subjected to heavy artillery fire, as a consequence of which a Syrian officer and two soldiers were killed. The Israelis then attacked and burned a third car. They further seized a non-commissioned officer and two soldiers. During the fighting which followed the above mentioned operations, five soldiers were wounded. After the Israeli detachment had withdrawn, the United Nations observers noted at several points in Syrian territory, traces of the acts of brigandage it had committed. The observers found, among other things, hand-grenades, mines and a large quantity of ammunition; they seize this evidence at the outset of their investigations.

October 27, 1955: An Israeli patrol attacked the village of Banias, seriously wounding an unarmed civilian.

April 5, 1956: Israeli armed forces started at 12:30 hours local time this morning to attack the cities of Gaza, Deir el Balah, Abasan and Khozaa in the Gaza Strip. According to the preliminary reports the casualties of this military attack which has been taking place since this morning are: 33 civilians killed; 92 civilians and 7 of the Egyptian armed forces including an officer injured.

August 2, 1956: An armed group from Israel encountered in this general area another Jordanian patrol and opened submachine gun fire, killing 2 national guardsmen.

August 16-17, 1956: Two serious incidents resulting in the death of nine Egyptians took place in the Egyptian controlled Gaza area. In the first of these incidents a group from twelve to twenty armed persons crossed the demarcation line from Israel into Egyptian controlled territory, where they exchanged fire with a three-man Egyptian listening post. Shortly thereafter an Egyptian patrol consisting of a sergeant and three other ranks ran into the Israel patrol still in Egyptian controlled territory. In the action following, the Egyptian sergeant and two other soldiers were killed. The bodies had extensive wounds caused by grenades and bullets. The second incident of the night of August 16/17 occurred on the main Gaza-Rafah road. An Egyptian jeep with six passengers, namely an Egyptian medical officer, a medical orderly and four soldiers, was ambushed and attacked by a group of five to seven men. The ambushing party had laid mines in the road and then attacked the jeep and its occupants with machine gun fire. The evidence indicates that the victims were killed by small arms fire at close range. Tracks were followed from the scene of the incident all the way to the demarcation line.

August 21, 1956: An Israel patrol crossed the demarcation line in the Kh. Umm ar Rihan area. An exchange of fire developed with a Jordanian patrol, as a result of which three Jordanian national guardsmen were wounded and one Israel soldier killed. Israel was held responsible in the August 29 Mixed Armistice Commission emergency meeting.

August 30, 1956: An Israeli patrol crossed the demarcation line in Deir el Balah area. A fire fight took place between the patrol and Egyptian troops. The patrol was supported by a mortar. Two Egyptian soldiers were killed, two wounded. Three Egyptian soldiers interrogated at the scene of the incident stated they heard three explosions and an exchange of fire at 21:30 hours from a listening post. When fire stopped they went to the listening post and found one Egyptian soldier dead and a second who died within a few minutes.

1956: Squads of Israeli soldiers committed a hideous atrocity in the Palestinian village of Kafr Qasim, forty-seven innocent people were shot down in cold blood. The careful and premeditated mass murders, never received great attention in the West. Although the Israeli courts convicted eight soldiers of murder, they were all released within two years of their trial, and within three years one of them who had been convicted of killing forty-three Arabs in an hour, was engaged by the municipality of Ramleh as the "officer responsible for Arab affairs in the city."

In October 1956: Israel, backed by England and France, attacked Egypt to gain control of the Suez Canal. Taking advantage of the situation created by Egypt's decision of nationalization of the Suez Canal, Israel joined forces with Britain and France to invade Egypt. As a result, it occupied the Sinai Peninsula, seized the Gaza Strip, and Sharm Al sheikh which guarded the Strait of Tiran and the entrance to the Gulf of Aqaba. a year letter it withdrew reluctantly under the combined pressure of the U.N., U.S.A. and the Soviet Union.

There was no military necessity for this destruction; it was sheer vengeance against Arab Christians. This action created another 300,000 Arab refugees, thus making a total refugee population of Christian and Muslin Arabs, which is larger than the combined populations of Montana, Nevada and Wyoming. It was during this campaign that the Israeli's attacked the U.S.S. Liberty with the death of 34 of its number.

If this had been an Egyptian or a Russian attack, American would have been at war, but the Jewish vote of America silenced any American criticisms of this action. Americans are also not told that Israel has always refused to obey any mandate of the United Nations. Resolutions affirmed by vote every year since 1948 recognize the right of the return of Palestinian refugees, but Israel always refuses to obey. Israel has been condemned over and over again for breaking the charter and now fulfilling the conditions upon which she was allowed to become a member!

1956: The Massacre of Kafr Kassim. The aftermath of Kibya was a continued, and still continuing, Zionist policy of perpetrating massacres to serve the political purpose of the Zionist clique. In 1956, they joined in a conspiracy with the British and French to invade Egypt. The conspiracy to commit aggressive war was accompanied by atrocities against innocent civilians. Although the defenseless Arab population in Zionist-occupied Palestine posed no military threat to the Zionist Defense Forces, the Zionists feared the emotional arousal that would inevitably accompany their waging of a new, aggressive war. They decided to instill total fear in the hearts of the helpless Palestinian Arab communities, and selected the peaceful village of Kafr Kassim to perpetrate a cold-blooded massacre. Fifty one men, women and children were murdered on October 29, 1953, by the Frontier Guard force.

The following is a detailed account of the horrible massacre of Kafr Kassim as told by eyewitnesses. The Israeli daily, "Kol Haam" came out on Wednesday, December 19, carrying on its front page the following detailed story of the Kafr Kassim massacre which was committed by the Israeli army on October 29, 1956, against the Arabs in occupied Palestine and in which 49 people; men, women and children were slaughtered in cold blood. "Kol Haam" published the story of the massacre under the title, "In This Way Were the 49 Inhabitants of kafr Kassim Slaughtered." The following is a literal translation: "Here are the details of the massacre in which 49 of the peaceful inhabitants of Kafr Kassim; all Arabs living in Israel were slaughtered in cold blood. Another thirteen of these inhabitants also sustained serious injuries in this horrible massacre committed by the troops of the Israeli frontier guards.

On October 29, 1956, the day on which Israel launched its assault on Egypt, units of the Israeli frontier guards started at 4 p.m. what they called a tour of the Triangle Villages. They informed the Mukhtars and the rural councils that the curfew in those villages was from that day onwards to be observed from 5 p.m. instead of 6 p.m. as was the case before, and that the inhabitants were, therefore, requested to say home as from that very instant. One of the villages the frontier guards passed through was Kafr Kassim. This is a small Arab village situated near the Israeli settlement of Betah Tefka. The villagers there received the alert at 4:45 p.m. only 15 minutes before the new curfew time. The 'Mukhtar' of Kafr Kassim promptly informed the unit officer that a large number of the villagers, whose work took the outside the village, knew nothing of this new curfew. The officer in charge replied that his soldiers would take care of these. The villagers who were home complied with the newly-imposed curfew and remained indoors. Meanwhile, the armed frontier guards posted themselves at the village gates. Before long, the first batch of villagers came into sight. The first to arrive was a group of four laborers, home-bound, on bicycles. Here is what one of these laborers, Abdullah Samir Bedir by name, said about the incident:

'We reached the village entrance at about 4:55 p.m. We were suddenly confronted by a frontier until consisting of 12 men and an officer, all occupying an army truck. We greeted the officer in Hebrew saying 'Shalom Katsin' which means 'Peace be unto you officer,' to which he gave no reply. He then asked us in Arabic: 'Are you happy?' and we said 'Yes.' The soldiers started stepping down from he truck and the officer ordered us to line up. Then he shouted to his soldiers this order: 'Laktasour Otem,' which means 'Reap them!' The soldiers opened fire, but by then I flung myself on the ground, and started rolling, yelling as I rolled over. Then I feigned death. Meanwhile, the soldiers had so riddled the bodies of my three friends with bullets that the officer in charge ordered them to cease firing, adding that the bullets were merely being wasted. As he put it, we had more than the necessary dose of those deadly bullets.

All this occurred while I lay very still, feigning death. Then I saw three laborers approaching on a small horse cart. The soldiers stopped the cart and killed all three of them. Soon after, the soldiers moved a few yards down the road, apparently to take up positions that would enable them to stop a new truckload of home-bound villagers, as well as a bunch of workers returning home on their bicycles. I seized this opportunity and moved as quickly as I could to the nearest house. The soldiers saw me and opened fire, but I was already in safety.

One of the trucks used for transporting farm produce was again stopped while carrying thirteen olive pickers, all women and girls, and two male laborers and the driver. They were attacked by the same group of frontier guards, who pitilessly butchers all but one of them.' This is what 16-year-old Hanna Soliman Amer, the only survivor, said about this incident: 'The soldiers brought our car to a halt at the entrance of the village and ordered the two workers and the driver to step down. Then they told them they were going to be killed. On hearing that the women started crying and screaming, begging the soldiers to spare those poor workers' lives. But the soldiers shouted at the women, saying that their turn was coming and that they, too, were going to be killed.

The soldiers stared at the women for a few moments, as if waiting for their officer to give the order. Then I heard the officer talk over the wireless set, apparently asking his headquarters for instructions regarding the women. The minute the wireless conversation was over, the soldiers took aim at the women and girls, who were 13 in number, and who included pregnant one (Fatma Dawoud Sarsour was in her eighth month of pregnancy) as well as an old woman of sixty and two thirteen-year old girls (Latifa Eissa and Rashika Bedair).'

The number of cars stopped by the Israeli soldiers of the frontier guards was three; the people in all three cares were ordered to descend and were shot by machine-gun fire, killing them instantly. A fourth car, which was a little late in coming, met with better luck, for the driver, seeing the bodies scattered around didn't heed the order to stop. He pressed the accelerator and thus managed to escape with his car. The soldiers, however, succeeded in shooting one of the passengers as the car sped by.

With the massacre practically over, the soldiers moved around finishing off whoever still had a pulse beating in him. Later on, the examination of these bodies showed that the soldiers had mutilated them, smashing the heads and cutting open the abdomens of some of the wounded women to finish them off. The only survivors were those who for some time lay buried under the corpses of their comrades and thus had their bodies covered with the blood of these victims, giving the impression that they, too, were dead. Those were the only ones who lived to speak of the horrors of the massacre of Kafr Kassim. The massacre lasted for an hour and a half and the soldiers looted whatever they could find, apparently while going round the bodies doing their finishing-off job. However, thirteen of those wretched people only fainted when they were shot at. These were taken to Bilinson as well as to other hospitals. One of those wounded was Osman Selim, who was traveling on one of the trucks. He witnessed the massacre, and escaped by pretending to be dead among the pile of corpses. Asaad Selim, a cyclist, was seriously injured. So was Abdel Rahman Yacoub Sarsoura, a youth aged 16, who is deaf and dumb. The only one who managed to escape death and reach Kroum El-Zeitoun is Ismail Akab Badeera, aged 18, who nursed his wounds until he got there, then climbing up an olive tree despite his suffering. He remained there for two whole days until a passing shepherd came along and carried him to a hospital where one of his legs had to be amputated for gangrene.

The blood bath was not restricted to the entrance or outskirts, but was carried right into the village itself. Talal Shaker Eissa, aged 8, left his home to bring in a flock of goats. He had hardly stepped out of his home when he was murdered by a shot fired by one of the soldiers. When his father ran out to investigate, he was killed by another shot. The mother, dragging in his body, was then shot. Noura, the remaining child, followed the cries of agony coming from her parents, and was killed on the spot by a hail of bullets. The only survivor of the family, a frail and aged grandfather, hearing the horror and the sounds of death, succumbed to a heart attack and died.

The next day, 31 October, 1956, a curfew was imposed on the village of Kafr Kassim, and during that time, the Israeli police brought over some of the villagers form neighboring Galgoulia and ordered them to bury the corpses, which included fathers, mothers, sons and daughters. Among these were Safa Abdalla Sarsour, a woman aged 45, Osman Abdalla Eissa was killed with his son Fathi aged 12; and Zeinab Abdel Rahman Taha and her daughter Bikria, aged 17."

Details of the Massacre as Reported by Dr. Sabri Jiryis from the Records of the District Court in Israel, File No. 3/57, Israeli Newspapers, and records of the Knesset: "The massacre was carried out by the Frontier Guard, which had been formed in the early 1950's to protect Israel's borders. A description of the events at Kafr Kassim follows, as recorded by the Israeli military court: 'On the eve of the Sinai War...a battalion attached to the Central Area Command was ordered to prepare itself to defend a section of the Israeli-Jordanian frontier. (with this end in view)...a unit of the Frontier Guard was attached to the said battalion and the commander of this Frontier Guard unit, Major Shmuel Milinki, was placed under the orders of the battalion commander. Brigadier Yshishkar Shadmi.

In the morning of 29 October 1956, the Commander of the Central Area, Major General Zvi Tsur informed Brigadier Shadmi and the other battalion commanders, of the policy it had been decided to adopt toward the Arab population. The area commander went on to emphasize to the battalion commanders that the safeguarding of the operation in the south (the Suez campaign) required that the area coterminous with Jordan be kept absolutely quiet...Brigadier Shadmi requested that he be empowered to impose a night curfew in the villages of the minorities in the area under his command in order to: (a) facilitate the movements of his forces, and (b) prevent the population being exposed to injury by the reverse troops. These arguments convinced the area commander, who empowered Brigadier Shadmi to impose a curfew...

On the same day Brigadier Shadmi summoned Major Melinki to his headquarters, informed him of the duties of the unit under his command, and gave him instructions about the execution of these duties. One of the duties of this Frontier Guard unit was to impose the curfew...in the villages of Kafr Kassim, Kfar Barra, Jaljulya, Tira, Tayba, Qalansuwa, Bir al Sikka, and Ibtin during the night. The two commanders agreed that the curfew would be enforced between 5 p.m. and 6 a.m.

The battalion commander (Shadmi) also told the unit commander (Melinki) that the curfew must be extremely strict and that strong measures must be taken to enforce it. It would not be enough to arrest those who broke it; they must be shot. In explanation he said, 'A dead man' (or according to other evidence ' few dead men') is better than the complications of detention. When Melinki asked what was to happen to a man returning from his work outside the village, without knowing about the curfew, who might well meet the Frontier Guard units at the entrance to the village, Shadmi replied: 'I don't want any sentimentality' and 'That's just too bad for him.' Shadmi gave his orders to Melinki verbally, while they were alone, and Melinki wrote the following words in his diary during the interview: 'Curfew imposed from evening till morning (1700-0600). Strict policy.' Similarly, the order drafted by Melinki and handed to the reserve forces attached to his group, shortly before the curfew was imposed, contained the following words under the heading 'Method': 'No inhabitant shall be allowed to leave his home during the curfew. Anyone leaving his home shall be shot; there shall be no arrests.